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September 16, , PM by vashtoss September 15, , AM by Mac2x Calendars online and print friendly for any year and month. Hundreds of printable august calendar pdf are ready to download and print Check dates in for filipino new year people power day maundy thursdayninoy aquino day national heroes day bonifacio day christmas day rizal day new years eve araw ng bagong taon araw ng bagong taon ng mga. Philippines Public Holidays This page contains a national calendar of all public holidays.
Free Philippine Calendar With Holidays. Year Calendar Taiwan. Post a Comment. Kylie Padilla Kitty Girls Alodia Gosiengfiao Saicy Aguila Rufa Mae Quinto Jessie Mendiola Jen Rosendahl EB Babes Sheree Maegan Young Sheena Halili Jinri Park Maria Ozawa Bella Padilla Alyssa Alano Abby Poblador Alessandra De Rossi Paw Diaz Julia Clarete RR Enriquez Aze Sasaki Isabelle Daza Jahziel Manabat Andi Eigenmann Rachelle Ann Go Katulad sa wikang Dutch sa Indonesia, madaling natanggal sa ating bansa ang wikang Espanyol hindi lamang dahil sa ito ay hindi naukit sa kultura ng karamihan, bunga rin ito ng kawalang presensyang internasyunal.
Samakatuwid, mas madaling natanggal ng Indonesia ang wikang Dutch kaysa sa India o Malaysia na tanggalin ang Ingles Dardjowidjojo, ; ganoon din ang naging kalagayan ng mga Pilipino sa naunang wika ng kolonisador at sa wikang Ingles. Sang-ayon ako sa kawalan ng intelektuwalismo at pag-usbong ng anti-intellectualism sa bansa. Nakikita rin ito sa pang-araw-araw na diskurso, partikular sa mga bernakular na pag-uusap, i.
Sa ikalawang layunin ng sanaysay ay ipinakita ng may-akda ang kahalagahan ng pagkakaroon ng pambansang wika upang paunlarin ang pambansang kaisipan. Samakatuwid, hindi na natin kayang gawin ang nagawa ng mga maunlad na bansa tulad ng Japan, Taiwan at Korea dahil nga sa pagusbong nito; naging pangangailangan na ang paggamit ng wikang banyaga, o ang wikang pandaigdig sa diplomasya at ekonomiya ng.
Dagdag pa rito, hindi nakaranas ang mga nasabing bansa ng kolonyalismo upang maikumpara ang pag-unlad nito sa kasalukuyang kalagayan ng mga bansang nakaranas nito. Para sa isang bansang malaon nang nabalaho sa di-pag-unlad, ang Utopiang pangako ng globalisasyon ay tunay na katakamtakam. Naroon ang paglaganap at pagtibay ng demokrasya. Naroon din ang paggalang at pagsasanggalang sa karapatang pantao ng mahihina at walang kapangyarihan. At naroon ang pagtutulungan ng lahat ng bansa upang panatilihing malinis at ligtas ang ating kapaligiran.
At naroon din ang matagal ng minimithi ng sandaigdigan — ang mapayapang mundo na sa mga awit pa lamang matatagpuan. Sa ngalan ng anti-terorismo, mga eroplano at bomba ng Estados Unidos na nagtatawid-kontinente at bumabagtas ng mga heyograpikal na hangganan upang pagbantaan ang alinmang bansang nagbabalak kayang ulitin ang kapahamakang idinulot sa New York noong At sa larangan naman ng ekonomiya, ang paggigiit na tanggalan ng proteksiyon ng batas ang mga kalakal na Filipino sa ngalan ng pantay na pakikipagkompetisyon.
Bahagi ng pananalakay na iyan ang panghihimasok ng World Trade Organization sa edukasyon. Ang reporma ng kurikulum na sinimulan sa pang-akademyang taong ito ng Departamento ng Edukasyon ay malinaw na tinabas upang isunod sa padrong globalisasyon.
Tumutugon ang Basic Education Curriculum sa pangangailangan ng mga lipunang maunlad ang mga industriya at teknolohiya para sa mga taong marunong bumasa ng instruksiyon at sumunod dito upang ang assembly line ay maayos na mapakilos.
Dahil isinaayos ng ating gobyerno ang sistema ng edukasyon upang makapagpalitaw ng mga kabataang marunong ng simpleng Ingles, ng simpleng pagkukwenta, at ng simpleng siyensiya, halos itinalaga na nito ang darating na mga henerasyon ng kabataang Filipino sa pagiging manggagawang ang lakas at talino ay pagsasamantalahan ng mga dayuhang empresa dito sa Filipinas at maging sa labas ng bansa. Nakatinda na ngayon ang sambayanang Filipino sa eksploytasyon ng kapitalismong global. Ang teritoryo natin ay binubuksan ng ating gobyerno sa mga empresang multinasyonal, at ang mga kabataan ay ipinapain sa kulturang nagpapalabo sa mga tradisyong kanilang.
Ang kulturang ito na itinuturing na global ay humihimok sa mga itong hubdin ng kabataan ang kanilang identidad bilang mamamayan ng kanilang tinubuang lupa. Sa maikling salita, ibinalik na tayo ng kapitalismong global sa yugto ng kolonyal na pagkasakop. Hindi natin namamalayan ang panibagong pagsakop sa atin dahil ang mga sandatahang Amerikano na lumunsad sa ating mga baybayin ay mga kaibigan daw na nagmamalasakit na pulbusin para sa mga Filipino ang Abu Sayyaf.
Ang kapangyarihang politikal ay kusang sinususpindi ng ating pamahalaan upang akitin ang dayong puhunan. Ang sistema ng edukasyon ay hinuhubog upang tugunan ang pangangailangan ng mga multinasyonal. Ang bagong anyo nito ay nagpapanggap na wala itong pangangailangan sa atin, tayo mismo ang humihingi na ang kasarinlan natin ay kanyang salakayin.
At ano naman kaya ang panlaban ng mga Filipino sa dagsa ng pananalakay ng globalisasyon? Ano ang magagawa ng wika nina Amado V. Ano ang bisa ng Wikang Filipino sa pagtatayo ng moog laban sa paglusob ng mga kaisipang makapagpapahina sa tigas ng loob at tatag ng mga makabayan? Noong , sa Copenhagen, Denmark, inorganisa ng United Nations World Summit for Social Development ang isang serye ng mga seminar upang talakayin ang mga kalagayang tutungo sa panlipunang pag-unlad sa harap ng mabilis na paglakas ng global capitalism.
Ganito ang isang obserbasyong lumitaw sa seminar: Lumulubha ang agwat sa kinikita ng mga mamamayan sa mayayamang bansa sa kinikita ng mga mamamayan sa mahihirap na bansa. Ang agwat ng per capita income sa pagitan ng mga bansang industrialisado at ng mga bansang papaunlad ay lumobo ng tatlong beses mula 5, dolyar noong tungo 15, dolyar noong Noong taong , ang GNP per capita sa mundo ay 24, dolyar sa pinakamayamang mga bansa na ang populasyon ay milyon.
Ang GNP per capita sa mga pinakamahirap na bansa ay 4, dolyar at doon ay 3 bilyong tao ang naninirahan. Sa harap ng ganitong tiwaling kalagayan, binigyang diin ng seminar ang pangangailangang pagtuunan ng pansin ang kultura ng kapitalismong global, suriin ito, pagtalunan at hamunin ang katinuan ng bisyon na gumagabay rito. Kaugnay nito, tinukoy ang pangangailangang isangkot sa mga isyung panglipunan ang mga intelektuwal na makitid ang pananaw at labis ang pagkakulong sa kani-kanilang ispesyalisasyon.
Dapat daw himukin ang mga ito na gamitin ang kanilang tinig sa mga debate at diskurso hinggil sa mga problema at tunguhin ng kontemporaryong lipunan. Narito sa palagay ko ang ispasyo na bukas at humihinging pasukin ng mga Filipinong tumatangkilik sa wika at panitikan. Sa ispasyong iyan maaaring harapin at labanan ang kultura ng globalisasyon upang kalusin ang negatibong bisa nito sa lipunang Filipino. Hindi dapat magbunga ang globalisasyon ng panibagong pagkaalipin para sa sambayanan.
Nakalangkap sa wika at panitikang katutubo ang pinagdaanang kasaysayan ng sambayanang lumaban sa pananalakay at pang-aalipin ng kolonyalismong Espanyol at Amerikano. Sa tuwing pinagyayaman ang wika at panitikang katutubo, may lakas na pinakikilos sa kalooban ng Filipino, na magagamit na panlaban sa pang-aakit ng globalisasyon.
Ang wika at panitikan natin ay buhay na katibayan ng ating kultura at kasaysayan. Ipinapagunita nito na mayroon tayong mga karanasan at kabatirang natamo sa ating pagdanas ng kolonisasyon at sa ating ginawang paglaban sa paghahari ng mga dayuhan.
Subalit ang identidad ng isang sambayanan ay hindi naisusuko nang gayon- gayon lamang. Nakatatak ito sa kamalayan hindi ng iisang tao lamang kundi sa kamalayan ng buong sambayanan. Kung hinihimok tayo ng globalisasyon na magbagong bihis, itinuturo naman ng ating kasaysayan na ang pinagdaanan natin bilang sambayanan ay laging nagpapagunita na may sariling bayan tayo, may minanang kultura at may banal na kapakanang dapat pangalagaan at ipagtanggol kung kinakailangan.
Sandatahin natin ang ganyang kamalayan tungo sa ikaluluwalhati ng Filipino bilang nagsasariling bayan. Teresita Gimenez Maceda University of the Philippines. Pride in one's national language and culture should come naturally to a people. This, unfortunately, is not the case in the Philippines. The bitter periods of colonization under three different imperial powers have left scars and fissures in the Filipino consciousness. A small but powerful elite remains enraptured with a foreign tongue and culture while the greater majority, enslaved by poverty and excluded from the benefits of an English education, have been effectively silenced and marginalized.
Fifty years after the colonizers have left the Philippines, the Filipino national language, while widely used around the country, is far from being the language of the centers of power. Instead, debasing the national language has become the preoccupation of those who still think as good colonials. And so every time there are stirrings of support for the Filipino national language, editorials such as the one written by publisher Teodoro Locsin Sr.
Calling Tagalog or its disguise, "Filipino," a national language does not make it one. It is a linguistic water cure for 77 percent of the Filipino people who would go on speaking their own language — with English for intellectual, cultural and professional advancement.
Tagalog as "Filipino" will only qualify them for the job of jeepney drivers or street sweepers or garbage collectors or market vendors or Tagalog teachers. English, the language of knowledge for Filipinos, is difficult enough to learn and master, add Tagalog, the language of ignorance, and you have Tango "Filipino.
Locsin, 1 May Threatened by dramatic social changes that are likely to take place with the spread of a language majority can at last understand, the educated elite find it easier to defend a foreign language than to look at the possibilities a national language can do for the advancement of the nation as a whole.
The issue of the Filipino national language is therefore really a discourse on power. In the drafting of the Philippine Constitution, delegates seemed to be one in the conviction that essential to independence was a national language to define a nation's character and distinctness.
In the words of Felipe Jose, a delegate from the Mountain Province:. Bilang na ang mga araw ng pagka-alipin at pagiging palaasa at darating na ang araw ng kalayaan. Ang Espanya at pagkatapos, ang Amerika, ang mga makapangyarihan na ang kultura ay ipinilit sa atin, ay paalis na bilang mga kongkistador ng nakaraang panahon.
At ang natitira ay ang ating panahon — ang panahon ng mga Pilipino kung kailan dapat nating itayo ang isang bagong bansa na may sariling kultura, sibilisasyon, kayamanan, karangalan, kapangyarihan, at wikang pambansa. Cited in Constantino, 59 The days of enslavement and dependency are numbered and the day of freedom is coming. Spain and America, colonial powers that imposed their culture on us, are leaving. And what remains is our time — the time when we Filipinos can build a new nation with its own culture, civilization, wealth, honor, power, and a national language.
But choosing which of the Philippine languages was to be recognized as the national language became a heatedly debated issue among the delegates even as the scale was tilted in favor of the Tagalog language. Protest against Tagalog was registered by Cebuano delegates who argued that Visayans comprised a larger population than Tagalogs. In an attempt to resolve the issue, some delegates called on the rest to rise above regionalism, emphasizing that it would take a shorter time and would involve less funds to propagate a local language like Tagalog across the nation than it would a foreign language like English:.
If Tagalog were to be taught in all schools of the Philippines, within five years this language would be spoken all over the country We have spent not less than for the teaching of English in our schools.
If we should spend only for Tagalog, we would achieve a greater piece of patriotic endeavor than the establishment here of English as an official language of the country. Delegate Tomas Confesor cited in Gonzalez, Eventually, the Constitutional Convention side-stepped the issue by simply leaving it to the National Assembly to "take steps toward the development and adoption of a common national language based on one of the existing languages.
Thus, while political leaders could wax eloquent over the need for a national language in forging nationhood, they generally lacked the political will to break the nation's bondage to a foreign tongue.
Advocacy for the retention of the colonizer's language as the language of power cleverly masked itself as regional opposition to the supposed dominance of the Tagalog language. Two years after the ratification of the Constitution, Manuel Quezon, then President of the Philippine Commonwealth, did proclaim a "national language based on the Tagalog dialect" upon the recommendation of the Institute of the National Language INL.
The grammar developed by writer Lope K. Santos for the INL and adopted by the institute as the official grammar, however, proved to be so elaborate and complicated that even Tagalog speakers like Pres. Quezon found it unreadable and difficult to understand. Gonzalez, To quell possible regional opposition, the national language was later called Pilipino.
Emancipating a Marginalized National Language Independence did not bring about the end to dependency, the flowering of Philippine culture and the propagation of a national language. In fact, the English language had become so entrenched in the educational system that the national language Pilipino as Tagalog was then called was but a mere. One week every year since then, Filipino schoolchildren celebrated their own language by donning Philippine costumes and reciting lines from literary creations of Filipino writers.
But the rest of the schoolyear, they were penalized and fined every time they were caught speaking the language of their home and of supposedly the nation's.
And so at a very young age, Filipinos were "miseducated" into believing that their culture was inferior because the national language was too inadequate a medium for abstract and lofty ideas. Significantly, the drop-out rate was high and only a minority, as Locsin himself admits, were able to master the foreign language. That minority went on to hold positions of power in politics, government and business.
And like the annual celebration of the National Language Week, that minority only spoke the national language every election period when talking to the impoverished majority in English would most certainly lose them the elections.
In the mid s, the University of the Phillipines became the locus for a strong nationalist movement that sought to examine the roots of inequality and poverty in the country. As students became increasingly aware of their alienation from the Filipino masses and as they sought a more active intervention in political, social and cultural issues by organizing and linking with the broader sectors in society, they also realized the importance of the national language as a basic and practical political education tool.
Professor Monico Atienza observed in his study of the role of the National Democratic Movement in the development of the national language:. Kaya kayang mapagbuhusan ng mga makabuluhang diskasyon ang mga usaping manggagawa, mga isyu ng unyon gaya ng pagpapataas ng sweldo at pagbago sa mga di- makatwirang kundisyon ng paggawa sa mga pabrika kundi gagamit ng Pambansang Wika PW ang mga aktibistang inatasang lumubog at magpalawak sa masang manggagawa?
Ang mga magsasaka kaya'y mahihikayat kung hindi gagamitin ang wikang ito sa mga usapin ng pantay na karapatan sa lupa, reporma sa lupa, reporma o pagbabagong agraryo sa relasyon ng panginoong maylupa at mga kassama at ang mismong pagpapaunawa sa makabagong kilusang propaganda at kultural?
Napipilipit man ang mga dila sa umpisa, ginamit ng mga aktibista ang wika o lenggwaheng ginagamit, sinasalita at nakagisnan o natutuhan nga ng masa sa kanilang pang-arawaraw na pamumuhay at relasyon sa kapwa nila milyun-milyong kalipunan. Salita ng komiks, palengke, pabrika, radyo at telebisyon at ilang dyaryo 't magasin ang pinili ng mga aktibista ng sambayanan. Atienza, Could the activists who were tasked to immerse themselves among the workers and broaden the mass base engage in relevant discussions of workers' concerns, union issues such as salary increase, the need to change unfair conditions of labor in the factories without using the National Language?
Could the farmers be organized without using this language in talking about issues of equal rights to land, land reform, agrarian reform in landlord-tenant relations and in making them aware of the new propaganda and cultural movement?
They may have found it difficult at first, but the activists used the language native to or learned by the masses and spoken in their everyday lives and in interacting with million others like them. The activists of the people chose the language of comics, market, factory, radio and television, and a few newspapers and magazines. As early as the s, therefore, the national language was already being viewed as a means of empowering the masses. But it is significant to point out that during this period of militancy and activism, people were already starting to redefine the national language in terms of the everyday language spoken in the streets and factories and the medium used in popular cultural materials, not the national language as developed by the INL and taught in schools.
Linguists from the University of the Philippines differentiated this from the school-taught Pilipino by calling the language Filipino. The language was made up of elements common to most Philippine languages or what linguists Ernesto Constantino and Consuelo J. Paz called the "universal nucleus. In seeking to legitimize Martial Law, the Marcos dictatorship tried to wrest from the nationalist movement its initiative in emancipating the national language by translating to Filipino the names of public buildings and formulating fanciful and catchy slogans in Filipino for the President's pet policies and programs e.
But with countless political detainees crammed into military prisons, friends and family members disappeared and savaged, the people were not deceived. On the other side, the underground movement grew strong, using Filipino for its propaganda and political education program and helping spread it throughout the country. To a large extent, the National Democratic Front could be credited with popularizing the National Language. It seriously studied its use for political consciousness raising, formulated guidelines on translation and a Filipino grammar for cadres, translated political terms for Filipino Marxists, and published underground materials in Filipino.
Above ground, the culture of fear that gripped the populace in the early years of the Marcos regime was finally shattered as the people filled the streets in rallies and demonstrations to voice out their protest and to clamor for the dismantling of the dictatorship. Empowering people with information on the real socio-political and economic conditions of the country, calling on all Filipinos to unite against the dictatorship could certainly not be achieved through the use of a foreign language.
The language of the protest movement, therefore, of what became known as the "parliament of the streets" was Filipino. In the euphoric days of the civil disobedience campaign launched by Cory Aquino that culminated in the EDSA February Revolution, elite and poor carried on a dialogue on equal terms, generating a discourse of power.
It was the assertion of that power that finally toppled the dictatorship. It seemed but natural that the language of people power would finally be recognized, legitimized and enshrined in the Philippine Constitution as the country's national language. In keeping with the spirit of the EDSA Revolution, and with the new constitution's goal to achieve social transformation, the language was envisioned to be an instrument for further people empowerment. Thus, Article IV Section 6 mandates Government to "take steps to initiate and sustain the use of Filipino as a medium of official communication and as language of instruction in the educational system.
Being etched in the Constitution, however, is no assurance that the language provisions will be implemented. Ten years after the ratification of the Philippine Constitution, only the Filipino Language Commission has been established. But even this may be considered a dilution of the constitutional provision considering that the former National Language Institute remains intact within the new Commission.
Ironically, the Government that should "initiate and sustain the use of Filipino" in government and the educational system because it serves the public and has been mandated to do such is still sleeping on the job. Filipino is still confined to official rituals and to opening and closing remarks. Significantly, opposition to Filipino as the national language did not come from below but from the wielders of power.
With the return of elite to elective positions of power in Government, the national language has once again become a contentious issue. During the campaign for the ratification of the Constitution, hardly anyone paid attention to the national language provisions. But at the first attempt of then President Aquino in to implement the provisions by issuing Executive Order E. Lifting the second sentence "As it [Filipino] evolves, it shall be further developed and enriched on the basis of existing Philippine and other languages" of Article XIV, Section 6, and separating it from the first sentence which declares "The national language of the Philippines is Filipino," they argued that the E.
They contended that the Filipino national language was really Tagalog in disguise and imposing this on the rest of the nation was a form of "Tagalog imperialism. The Cebu U. High School continued the celebration with much funfare as a sign of protest against the ordinance.
The Provincial Board meanwhile allotted a budget for the retranslation of Filipino textbooks back into English. Several translations of the National Anthem to Cebuano were undertaken. But when Cebuanos could not agree among themselves which translation to sing, they reverted back to singing the anthem in its English translation, a reminder of the bygone period of American colonialism.
It is important to look at the Cebuano protest against the Filipino language in the context of growing demand among regions for decentralization and greater autonomy in local government and economic affairs. In the perception especially of the residents of the Visayas and Mindanao regions, most of the development has been concentrated in Manila and Luzon far too long.
Whereas a large chunk of national wealth comes from the Visayas and Mindanao, only a tiny fraction of this return to the regions. The clamor for greater power in the use of local wealth for the development of their own regions or for self-reliance instead of perpetual dependence on the national government found expression in the movement for federalism of which the former Gov. Osmena was a strong advocate. Following this line of thinking, the order to use Filipino which they considered the language of the center of national power was an imposition from that center of power.
However, while Tagalog may be spoken in the center of power, it is not the language of the power wielders. Historically, even Tagalog was marginalized under the colonial order. Ironically, in the Cebuanos' rejection of the national language they believed to be Tagalog in disguise, they wittingly or unwittingly have become supportive of the actual language of the center of power — English. Significantly, the voices of protest against Filipino do not come from the grassroots.
Rather they represent the holders of power themselves in the region. In a dialogue I once conducted with local government officials and heads of colleges and universities and the local media in Cebu when I was still the Director of the U. Filipino Language Center Sentro ng Wikang Filipino and a part-time Commissioner of the Filipino National Language Commission, I had remarked that if the Provincial Board of Cebu was serious in protesting Filipino because it would threaten the survival of Cebuano language and culture, then the Board should ban Filipino movies, radio and television news and drama in Filipino, and the Filipino comics as well.
The Board, of course, wisely did not choose to comment. But there seems to be a deeper reason for the resuscitation of the old Cebuano grudge against Tagalog.
Linguistically, the Cebuano language is really close to Tagalog. Given a short time, Cebuanos would learn the language faster than they would English which will probably take them a life time to master. Media has also done much to popularize and propagate Filipino nationwide. Should official communications of government agencies and the laws of the land be written in Filipino, should Filipino become truly the primary medium of instruction in the educational system and not the tokenism it is given today, then the Filipino people will begin to understand programs, policies, issues that affect their everyday lives.
Then they can share in and grow with the information and knowledge that is currently still mysteriously veiled in that foreign language they cannot comprehend.
With knowledge will come power — the power to participate in national issues and in the process of decision-making. And this will surely erode the power-structure in which an elite minority holds the reins of economic, political and social power while the greater majority are kept in poverty and ignorance.
But even with the government's lack of political will to carry out the constitutional mandate, and despite the ruling elite's opposition to it, the Filipino language is developing and continues to gain advocates even in areas traditionally the preserve of English. In the Senate hall can already be heard speeches in Filipino. In the courts, several judges and justices are planting the seeds of the national language. A leading figure is Judge Cezar Peralejo who, on his own, translated the Civil Code, Penal Code, Local Government Code and the Family Code in his effort to demystify the fundamental laws of the land and make these comprehensible to ordinary citizens.
Together with some. More important, the accused and the accuser could already follow the proceedings and could themselves observe whether or not they are getting a fair trial. More active support of the Supreme Court for these efforts would have been crucial as these represent concrete measures in speeding up the process of dispensing justice, lessening the cost of trials, and most importantly, ensuring that justice is served. But the sad reality that most lawyers and judges prefer a foreign language remains.
Even in education, a growing number of intellectuals in different disciplines are becoming convinced that the national language is an effective instrument in teaching and learning. Academics are redirecting their minds and energies to discover and rediscover data on Philippine history, society and culture and to develop analytical tools more appropriate and relevant to Philippine conditions. The University of the Philippines, for instance, approved in a language policy mandating the use of Filipino as one of the primary languages of instruction in undergraduate courses, including the sciences.
The use of Filipino as a language of research and academic discourse will surely broaden knowledge and bridge the gap between intellectuals and masses, not make the latter more "stupid and idiotic" as Locsin asserts. But the chief propagator of the national language has been mass media. It is ironic that at a time when satellite communications is shrinking the world and there is a growing fear that a global culture will blur national identities and make irrelevant this issue of a national language, the leading Philippine television networks GMA-7 and ABS-CBN are moving towards completely Filipinizing their programming.
MPI Peoplewatch, 5 April Total Filipinization of Philippine television will hasten even further the propagation and development of the national language.
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